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Category: Opinion

  • iDICE: Nigeria’s plan for its next generation of founders

    iDICE: Nigeria’s plan for its next generation of founders

    OPINION (NPA) — A $617 million program is putting money, skills, and infrastructure directly in the hands of young Nigerian entrepreneurs. And it’s already underway.

    Nigeria has produced some of Africa’s most celebrated technology and creative success stories. Yet for many founders across the country, the path from idea to investable business remains difficult. Early-stage capital, coordinated support, and clear pathways to growth have not existed at the level Nigeria’s digital and creative potential demands.

    This is not a talent problem. According to the Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Nigeria’s digital economy contributes nearly 19 per cent to GDP. The creative industry, per research by Jobberman and the Mastercard Foundation, employs more than 4.2 million people. Both sectors have expanded considerably in recent times, demonstrating what Nigerian entrepreneurs can achieve even within difficult conditions. The real question is whether that growth can be institutionalised effectively and extended beyond a few major urban centres.

    The answer requires deliberate public intervention. Data from the Bank of Industry’s 2025 Annual Development Impact Report, independently assured by KPMG and the Policy Innovation Centre, shows that 76 per cent of creative and digital businesses financed by the Bank either would not have proceeded at all, or would have been significantly scaled back, without development finance. That is not a market gap that growth alone will close. It is precisely the kind of structural gap that a deliberate, development-finance-backed intervention is designed to address.

    iDICE, the Investment in Digital and Creative Enterprises Program, is the Federal Government’s response to that need. Implemented by the Bank of Industry and financed by the African Development Bank, Agence Française de Développement (AFD), and the Islamic Development Bank, the program has mobilized $617 million to support young Nigerian entrepreneurs through financing, skills development, mentorship, and enterprise support. It represents one of Africa’s largest innovation and enterprise development programs and one of Nigeria’s clearest commitments to building the infrastructure required for a globally competitive digital and creative economy.

    BOI brings to this mandate an active and growing track record: in 2025 alone, the Bank financed 2,017 creative and digital businesses, deploying N41.35 billion into the sector. iDICE is built on that foundation and designed to extend it at the national scale.

    What iDICE is building

    The program is built around three pillars: access to finance, capacity development, and ecosystem strengthening. Its financing architecture combines equity funding, startup-friendly debt, and catalytic funding structures designed to support founders at different stages of growth. For entrepreneurs not yet ready for equity investment, the iDICE Debt Fund provides affordable growth capital through the Bank of Industry. The program is also working with Nigeria’s six non-interest banks to expand access to Shariah-compliant financing, ensuring broader inclusion within the innovation ecosystem.

    BOI’s existing portfolio in this space already validates the approach: across its 2025 creative and digital investments, 62 per cent of financed firms achieved capacity increases above 20 per cent, average revenue grew by 14.3 per cent, and 13 per cent of businesses began exporting for the first time following BOI support.

    The Startup Bridge Program, recently launched under iDICE, is designed to take founders from idea stage to investment readiness through structured training, mentorship, grants of up to N10 million, and pathways to equity investment of up to $100,000. The appetite for this kind of intervention was never in doubt. When iDICE launched its Founders Lab initiative in March 2025, more than 7,000 applications were received from across the country. Following a rigorous selection process, 185 founders were admitted into the inaugural cohort, representing all 36 states and the FCT. Female founders accounted for approximately 38 per cent of participants, surpassing the program’s own target. It was an early signal that the talent and ambition already existed. What had been missing was a credible platform to channel and grow them.

    The next phase is already underway. Applications for Growth Lab, an accelerator program focused on growth-stage startups, are expected to open in Q3 2026, extending the pipeline from early-stage innovation to enterprise development.

    Beyond financing, iDICE is also investing heavily in skills and infrastructure. The program aims to train more than one million Nigerians in globally competitive digital and creative skills over its lifetime. Sixty-six Innovation Hubs and Centres of Excellence are being established across universities and polytechnics nationwide, providing workspaces, mentorship, incubation support, and access to industry-relevant tools, designed to become active engines for enterprise creation and innovation across every part of the country. BOI’s support for Vatebra Tech Hub offers a preview of what this looks like in practice. With BOI support, Vatebra trained more than 5,300 entrepreneurs, incubated over 500 startups, and catalysed partnerships with Amazon, MTN, and Lagos Innovates. According to Vatebra’s Business Manager, without BOI support, the hub’s scale of training and community outreach “would have happened much more slowly, and we would have reached far fewer beneficiaries and startups.” The 66 hubs iDICE is establishing are designed to replicate and expand that model nationwide.

    One of the program’s most deliberate design choices is its emphasis on decentralisation. State focal persons, nominated across all 36 states and the FCT, are embedded within the program to ensure that opportunities reach founders in Sokoto, Calabar, Maiduguri, and other underserved locations, not just entrepreneurs with proximity to Nigeria’s established technology hubs.

    At the policy level, iDICE is backed by a high-level steering committee chaired by His Excellency, Vice President Kashim Shettima, bringing together ministries responsible for finance, digital economy, creative economy, and industry and trade. This level of coordination reflects a growing recognition that the digital and creative economy is no longer on the sidelines of Nigeria’s future growth story. It is increasingly central to it.

    The scale of the opportunity

    At its core, iDICE is also an industrial policy intervention, building the talent, capital, and enterprise infrastructure required for Nigeria’s next phase of economic growth.

    By the end of 2026, iDICE is expected to establish 66 Innovation Hubs nationwide, train between 250,000 and 300,000 young Nigerians in market-relevant skills, support more than 200 technology startups, and provide financing for over 100 creative enterprises. Independent projections by PricewaterhouseCoopers estimate that full implementation could generate more than 6.1 million jobs and contribute approximately $6.4 billion in economic value to Nigeria.

    These are ambitious projections. But they are backed by a program that is more coordinated, better funded, and more institutionally supported than previous interventions in this space.

    Building the Ecosystem for Growth

    Nigeria’s digital and creative sectors have already demonstrated their potential. The challenge now is whether the country can build the systems that allow innovation to grow consistently, sustainably, and beyond a few concentrated hubs.

    For the young founder with an idea but no capital, iDICE provides a pathway. For graduates with skills but limited opportunities, it creates access to training, mentorship, and enterprise support. For creative businesses that have built audiences but struggle to grow sustainably, it offers financing and institutional backing.

    The program is live, and the pipeline is growing. For Nigeria’s next generation of founders, developers, and creators, iDICE is not a distant policy commitment. It is an open door, and the moment to walk through it is now. To stay updated on the iDICE programme, visit https://idice.ng.

    Dr Olasupo Olusi is the MD/CEO of the Bank of Industry.

  • Nnamdi Kanu, US activist issue ‘Sokoto Declaration,’ call for self-determination, national reform

    Nnamdi Kanu, US activist issue ‘Sokoto Declaration,’ call for self-determination, national reform

    ABUJA, Nigeria (NPA) — The leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, and a United States-based activist, Mike Arnold, have jointly issued a document titled The Sokoto Declaration, calling for sweeping political reforms, self-determination, decentralisation of governance and what they described as a national awakening against insecurity, displacement and alleged state oppression in Nigeria.

    The five-page declaration, dated May 30, 2026, was released in Kanu’s name and was authenticated by his counsel, Aloy Ejimakor.

    The document presents a broad critique of Nigeria’s political structure, security architecture and historical evolution, while proposing a new constitutional framework built on self-determination, regional autonomy and popular sovereignty.

    Kanu and Arnold described themselves as individuals from different backgrounds who had arrived at a shared conviction regarding what they termed the need to address long-standing structural and political problems confronting the country.

    The declaration paints a grim picture of Nigeria’s security and humanitarian situation, alleging that millions of people across different regions have suffered violence, displacement, poverty and political marginalisation over several decades. The authors cited the Nigerian civil war, insurgency in the North-East and attacks on communities in various parts of the country as evidence of what they called a prolonged national crisis.

    According to the document, the violence and instability experienced across the country are not inevitable but are the result of political choices that can be reversed through collective action by citizens.

    “We hold these truths,” the declaration stated, arguing that every individual, regardless of ethnicity, religion or region, possesses the right to life, liberty and self-determination. The authors maintained that displaced persons across the country should be allowed to return safely to their ancestral homes and receive justice and restitution.

    The declaration stressed that the grievances of different ethnic and regional groups should not be viewed in isolation, insisting that no community holds a monopoly on suffering.

    “We do not seek liberty for one people alone, but for all who suffer under injustice,” the document stated, adding that any future political arrangement should be based on freedom, equity, justice, fairness and the rule of law.

    One of the central themes of the declaration is self-determination. The authors argued that the right of people to determine their political future is protected under both Nigerian and international law.

    The document cited provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and claimed that the continued detention and prosecution of Kanu, alongside restrictions on calls for self-determination, amounted to violations of rights guaranteed under both domestic and international legal frameworks.

    Kanu and Arnold also criticised what they described as excessive centralisation of political and security powers in Nigeria. According to them, a highly centralised state has contributed to insecurity, weakened local communities and reduced the ability of regions to protect their people.

    The declaration argued that natural resources should primarily benefit local communities and condemned what it described as the exploitation of resources in areas affected by violence and displacement.

    “The wealth under this ground belongs to the people who live on it,” the document stated, while calling for greater local control over resources and economic development.

    The authors further argued that Nigerians should not depend solely on foreign governments, international organisations or external powers to resolve domestic challenges.

    “No one is coming to save us. No outside power will hand us our freedom,” the declaration stated, urging citizens to take responsibility for political and social change.

    Despite its strong criticism of the Nigerian state, the declaration stopped short of calling for violent action. Instead, it called for what it described as “courageous, coordinated, disciplined and unrelenting resistance,” including participation in elections, legal challenges, international advocacy and peaceful civic engagement.

    The authors said they rejected revenge, vengeance and indiscriminate violence but maintained that communities have a right to defend themselves against attacks. “Peace is not passivity. Peace is strength under restraint,” the declaration stated.

    The document also called on various groups within the pro-Biafra movement to end internal divisions and work towards common objectives.

    “To our Biafran brothers and sisters: public infighting must end,” the declaration stated, warning that divisions within the movement could undermine its goals.

    In addition, the declaration advocated a fundamental restructuring of Nigeria through what it described as an internationally supervised constitutional process that would allow citizens to determine the future political arrangement of the country.

    The authors argued that genuine national unity can only emerge from consent rather than coercion.

    They called for a new constitutional order that would recognise self-determination while enabling cooperation among different peoples and regions.

    Addressing the international community, the declaration urged foreign governments, human rights organisations, faith groups and civil society actors to support what it described as the struggle for justice and freedom in Nigeria.

    It accused the international community of paying insufficient attention to violence, displacement and human rights concerns in the country and urged greater engagement with affected communities.

    The authors also directed part of the declaration at political leaders and public officials, warning that history would judge those who perpetuate injustice, corruption and repression.

    “History is watching,” the document stated, while urging those in authority to embrace accountability, reform and reconciliation.

    A significant portion of the declaration focused on what the authors described as a vision for a post-conflict and reformed Nigeria. They envisaged a country in which displaced persons return home, communities rebuild their institutions, and regional economies flourish under a more decentralised political system.

    The declaration argued that Nigerians have demonstrated excellence in fields such as medicine, law, engineering, business and the arts whenever given opportunities to thrive.

    According to the authors, a more inclusive political system could unlock the country’s economic and human potential and transform it into a prosperous and influential African democracy.

    The document concluded with a call for perseverance, unity and moral discipline, urging supporters not to allow the movement for change to be overtaken by hatred, tribalism or personal ambition.

    “The cause is life. The cause is liberty. The cause is the right of every human being on this land to live in peace,” the declaration stated.

    The declaration was signed by Kanu and Arnold and authenticated by Ejimakor, who identified himself as special counsel to the IPOB leader.

    The publication is expected to generate debate among political actors, constitutional scholars, civil society groups and advocates of restructuring, many of whom have long argued over the future of Nigeria’s federal system, regional autonomy and the question of self-determination.

  • Education Cannot Wait: How data-driven reforms could transform Nigeria’s future —Osita Chidoka

    Education Cannot Wait: How data-driven reforms could transform Nigeria’s future —Osita Chidoka

    Roads can wait. Buildings can wait. Airports can wait. Education cannot.

    OPINION (NPA) — The road we fail to build today can still be built tomorrow. The airport that was delayed this year may still serve future generations. But the child pushed out of school by policy failure is often lost forever.

    Every year, one of Nigeria’s roughly 15 million out-of-school children loses a narrow window that may never reopen. When reforms eventually come, they benefit a different cohort, not the child already left behind.

    That is why yesterday’s National Stakeholders Meeting on the National Education Data Infrastructure, led by the Honourable Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, struck me as profoundly consequential. In many ways, it may become one of the most important national infrastructure projects Nigeria has undertaken in recent years.

    Data from all states were available on the portal, from school enrollment to the state of physical infrastructure to the student-teacher ratio. A mind-boggling quantum of data, made easy to understand, compare, and drive policy.

    The Nigeria Education Management Information System, designed by Ernst & Young, the company that developed a similar system in India, is a national treasure: robust yet simple.

    Sitting in that room, I watched evidence do what argument alone often cannot. Two figures stayed with me.

    The first was the gap between primary school enrolment and junior secondary enrolment. The drop is so wide that I found myself asking the obvious question: what happened to those children?

    Where did they go between Primary Six and JSS One? A generation appears to thin out between those two rungs, and we owe ourselves an honest answer.

    The second was the composition of JAMB candidates: fresh entrants versus repeat candidates. The ratio revealed an admission bottleneck I had not fully grasped.

    Too many qualified young Nigerians are queuing behind the same narrow gate, year after year. Suddenly, the Minister’s policy direction on easing admission bottlenecks, which I had instinctively questioned, began to make sense to me.

    That is the power of credible, real-time data. It does not merely inform policy; it humbles assumptions.

    I am grateful to be contributing my own quota through the Nigeria Research and Education Network (NgREN). We have committed to delivering connectivity and digital services to tertiary institutions this year, and to extending similar infrastructure to secondary schools in 2027.

    What is happening in education may not yet dominate the headlines, but something important is taking shape quietly beneath the surface. Evidence is beginning to replace assertion. Data is starting to shape decisions.

    The question on my mind: If evidence can transform education governance, when will the rest of the government follow?

    Osita Chidoka is a Nigerian public policy expert, politician and former Minister of Aviation, and an ex-Corps Marshal and Chief Executive of the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC).

  • Sharing meal, sharing love: Eritrea’s enduring culture of unity

    Sharing meal, sharing love: Eritrea’s enduring culture of unity

    ASMARA, Eritrea, 11 April 2026 (NPA) — Eating together in a group is an ancient human cultural tradition, found across different times and places. Archaeologists trace this practice back nearly 800,000 years and highlight food sharing as a fundamental chapter in human evolution. From a bio‑archaeological perspective, sharing a common meal is a ritual that connects the human being as a biological organism to a social person.

    In Eritrea, sharing a communal plate has been a well‑celebrated cultural practice for generations. It creates memorable moments when those gathered can share love and respect for one another, exchange valuable information, address urgent family or community matters informally, and strengthen their relationships. Across all Eritrean ethnic groups, the meaning of eating together goes far beyond a significant cultural tradition — it is a determining practice for survival and thriving.

    Among the Tigrinya ethnic group, this practice is called Meadi. Family members sit around a plate facing each other, ready to taste the food and engage in conversation. After a mother or another female member prepares everything, everyone waits for a blessing from the father or an elder. Following the blessing, the father gives each member a sizable piece of injera, passing it from his right side. This marks the beginning of the eating process in a well‑disciplined manner. Until everyone confirms they are satisfied, no one is allowed to leave the Meadi except in urgent situations or with the elder’s permission. It is a cultural taboo to leave the Meadi without consent, as that would show disrespect to all family members and to the blessing. Consequently, family members learn to sit together until everyone declares they are satisfied.

    All Eritrean ethnic groups share this sacred culture, with only slight differences in name. In the Saho ethnic group, eating together is known as Maddi; in Bilen — Meddira or Gbar; in Kunama — Gonta or Nada Gonta; in Nara — Gaan; in Bidawyet — Tooda; in Tigre — Metaagal; in Tigrinya — Meadi; in Afar — Galadda; and in Arabic — Maida.

    Usually, people sit in a circle to share the available meal. The number of people sharing a plate depends on the situation, sometimes reaching as many as eight during special occasions such as wedding ceremonies.

    All Eritrean ethnic groups together share this rich culture, connecting through common values and norms that form the national identity. Such a valuable culture carries centuries‑old stories from generation to generation, helping to ensure community progress. In contemporary times, despite many preferring to eat on individual plates, this culture endures across all national groups.

    In Eritrea, this culture is also practised during serious community matters such as divorce or restitution. After discussions, guests sit to eat together, narrowing their differences to seal the agreement and normalise the situation.

    When a new person arrives during the meal, everyone invites them to share. N’Qedembel or Tefedel are popular terms often used to welcome anyone to join the prepared meal. This gesture reflects Eritrean hospitality and marks unity in diversity.

    Even during the Eritrean armed struggle, freedom fighters shared their food. Regardless of the ratio, fighters were served in their small, intimate units. Beyond mere provisions, the shared meal was a symbol of unity and resilience. As a sacred culture respected by all Eritrean diversities, eating together inspired freedom fighters to foster a unified national identity. Today, when Eritrean veterans gather for communal meals, they remember the struggles and sacrifices made for national liberation.

    Research shows that eating in a group provides ample social, psychological, and physical rewards. Among the social and emotional benefits, a shared meal increases a group’s social bond, trust, and sense of safety. Through this practice, people feel comfortable and connected, which is essential for their emotional well‑being. It helps members combat loneliness by giving them a deep sense of community and belonging. It also allows groups to spend consistent time in conversation, helping them build strong bonds with family, friends, or colleagues. People who share mealtimes have lower stress levels and better communication.

    Physical and nutritional benefits include mindful eating, lower health risks, and better weight management. Because group meals encourage slower eating, they improve digestion and prevent overeating by giving the brain time to register fullness. This, in turn, lowers the risk of cardiovascular disease by reducing stress and improving nutritional intake. It also reduces the risk of developing eating disorders in adolescents.

    Most notably, children and teens benefit greatly from this culture. By regularly hearing and sharing information and stories, they enrich their vocabulary, enhance their communication skills, internalise their culture, and achieve better academic performance. In addition, this practice helps deter children from high‑risk behaviours such as depression. Families who raise their children with this culture often develop healthy communication, deep connections, and strong relationships among family members. A mother’s love and a father’s blessing reward children with remarkable life memories. Through these experiences, children discover their social position and shape their future lives.

    In today’s world, where busy schedules and digital lifestyles encourage solo dining, the shared meal remains highly valuable because it provides mental well‑being, trust building, and emotional support.

    In conclusion, Eritrea is an icon of unity in diversity, where all national groups share common and complementary norms and values that together build the national identity. Eating in a group is an equally shared and deeply respected cultural heritage across all diversities, through which young generations embrace their future destiny — ensuring its preservation safeguards Eritrean national norms and values against the global cultural wave that erodes social fabrics. Therefore, let us all share a meal — to share a bright future.

    Written by Kidane Shimendi

  • From vanity to value: The real secret behind winning Nigeria’s mobile audience

    From vanity to value: The real secret behind winning Nigeria’s mobile audience

    OPINION, April 4, 2026 (NPA) —Nigeria is undeniably a mobile-first market, but that does not mean every company should rush to build its own app. Too often, strategies confuse access with appetite, or downloads with loyalty.

    Users will only keep an app if it delivers consistent, practical value. In Nigeria, where data costs are high, storage space is limited, and attention is fiercely contested, an app that fails to solve a recurring problem quickly becomes disposable.

    This is the real challenge for corporates considering streaming platforms. The issue is not whether an app looks modern or impressive, but whether it offers enough ongoing value to justify a permanent place on someone’s phone. For most companies, the honest answer is still “not yet.” Without strong, regular, exclusive content, branded streaming apps risk becoming expensive digital monuments—ambitious in appearance but rarely part of everyday life.

    Social media, by contrast, is already woven into the daily rhythm of Nigerian society. It is where people discover, discuss, learn, watch, argue, laugh, compare, and share. For many brands, social handles are not a weakness but the most realistic starting point.

    Still, social platforms are borrowed ground. They provide reach, visibility, and conversation, but they do not give brands full control over their audience, data, or long-term distribution. The smarter approach is layered: use social media for discovery and relevance; YouTube and video platforms for depth and repeat viewing; WhatsApp for direct connection, community, and service; then link all of these back to an owned destination—whether a website, content hub, membership platform, or lighter digital environment under the brand’s control. In this model, content works harder and audience relationships last longer.

    Ultimately, content matters more than the platform. Corporates should focus less on polished self-promotion and more on useful, human, repeatable value. Audiences respond to content that helps them do something, understand something, avoid something, or feel part of something. That means practical explainers, behind-the-scenes access, customer stories, live conversations, thought leadership, short how-to videos, and programming built around real interests and real problems.

    The lesson is clear: build the audience before you build the app. And when the time comes, ensure the app delivers a service—not just a screen.

  • Nigeria and China: Shared future, shared journey, building eco-friendly modernisation together

    Nigeria and China: Shared future, shared journey, building eco-friendly modernisation together

    Yu Dunhai, China’s Ambassador to Nigeria

    OPINION (NPA) — March 21, 2026 — Balancing development with environmental protection is a major common challenge for the world today.

    It is also an eternal task for the sustainable development of human society.

    As the world’s largest developing country, China has achieved a green development miracle that has captured global attention.

    This has contributed Chinese wisdom, solutions, and strength to global ecological and environmental governance and the building of a clean and beautiful world.

    The year 2026 marks the beginning of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan period.

    The recently concluded “Two Sessions”, the annual sessions of China’s top legislature and political advisory body, reviewed and approved the Outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan and the Ecological and Environmental Code of the People’s Republic of China.

    This paints a blueprint for China’s high-quality economic and social development and comprehensive green transition.

    The 15th Five-Year Plan sets the development goals for the next five years, and explicitly calls for accelerating the comprehensive green transition of economic and social development, and actively participating in and leading global climate governance.

    This also demands adherence to the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and fully implementing the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Paris Agreement, and continuously deepening South-South cooperation on climate change.

    The Ecological and Environmental Code directly addresses global environmental challenges. Notably, it features a standalone section on “Green and Low-Carbon Development,” a pioneering initiative in global legislative practice.

    When green development becomes a national strategic goal, and the vision of harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature is enshrined in law, the path towards sustainable development for mankind is bound to become clearer and broader, thanks to China’s green commitment.

    China has always been a steadfast practitioner of ecological civilisation, and has integrated ecological progress into the overarching plan for national development, taking concrete actions to fight pollution.

    It became the first developing country to implement systematic PM2.5 pollution control, and has taken the lead in establishing and implementing an “ecological conservation red line” system, accelerating the development of the world’s largest national park system.

    China has achieved consecutive years of “double reduction” in desertified and sandified land, and currently contributes one-quarter of the world’s newly increased green area, making it the fastest and most effective country in “greening” the planet.

    Every patch of green across the land of China vividly testifies to its practice of the concept of ecological civilisation.

    China has always been a pragmatic actor in global climate governance, conscientiously fulfilling its obligations under the Convention.

    It has solidly advanced its goals of peaking carbon emissions and achieving carbon neutrality, by committing to achieving the largest reduction in carbon emission intensity in the shortest time globally.

    China continues to optimise its energy structure, having built the world’s largest and fastest-growing renewable energy system and the most complete new energy industrial chain.

    For ten consecutive years, China has ranked first globally in installed capacity for photovoltaic and wind power; its hydropower and biomass power generation installed capacities remain the largest worldwide.

    It currently supplies over 80 per cent of the world’s photovoltaic components and 70 per cent of wind power equipment.

    These tangible figures amply demonstrate that China is not just an active advocate but a down-to-earth implementer in climate governance.

    China has always been an active leader in global environmental governance, as a participant, contributor, and leader in the global endeavor for ecological civilisation.

    The country firmly upholds multilateralism and strives to build a fair, reasonable, and mutually beneficial global environmental governance system.

    It vigorously promotes green development under the Belt and Road Initiative, deeply engages in global ecological and environmental governance, and works tirelessly to build a clean and beautiful world.

    China actively advances South-South cooperation on climate change, increasing support for countries and regions with fragile ecosystems and weak green development capacities.

    It has collaborated on green energy projects with over 100 countries and regions. As the world’s largest exporter of clean technology, China has created 46 per cent of global jobs in the renewable energy sector, injecting strong momentum into worldwide green development.

    China and Africa have always been like-minded companions on the journey to address climate change and promote green development.

    African countries have drawn on China’s experience with the Three-North Shelterbelt Forest Program to implement the Great Green Wall Initiative, effectively advancing efforts to combat desertification in the Sahara.

    In the clean energy sector, China has implemented hundreds of cooperative projects in Africa. The installed capacity of photovoltaic power stations built through China-Africa cooperation alone has exceeded 1.5 gigawatts.

    China’s Juncao technology has been introduced to Africa, becoming an exemplary model of “small and beautiful” livelihood cooperation.

    Cooperation on green technologies like wind power, geothermal energy, and solar power assists African nations in their energy transition.

    Through these tangible practices of green cooperation, China and Africa are setting a prime example of solidarity, cooperation, and shared development for the Global South.

    The new journey of the 15th Five-Year Plan period has commenced, opening a new chapter in China’s ecological civilisation development.

    Standing at this new historical starting point, China is promoting a comprehensive green transition of its economic and social development with unprecedented determination and effort.

    Building an ecological civilisation concerns the common future of humanity. China will unwaveringly pursue a path of green, low-carbon, and high-quality development.

    It will continue to contribute wisdom and solutions to global green development, and work hand in hand with countries around the world on the new journey towards an eco-friendly modernisation.

    As a major African country and an important global economy, Nigeria plays an irreplaceable role in addressing climate change and promoting regional green development.

    China is ready to work with Nigeria to strengthen policy dialogue, share governance experience, and deepen practical cooperation in areas such as clean energy, disaster prevention and mitigation, desertification control, and green finance.

    Together, we can jointly paint a beautiful picture of harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature.

    This can be done by making the Niger River clearer, the Gulf of Guinea bluer, and ensuring that the green bond of China-Nigeria friendship is passed on with everlasting vitality from generation to generation.(NAN).

  • JUST IN: House of Reps amend Electoral Act, impose ₦10m fine, jail term for dual party membership

    JUST IN: House of Reps amend Electoral Act, impose ₦10m fine, jail term for dual party membership

    ABUJA, NIGERIA (NPA) — March 11, 2026 — Nigeria’s lower chamber, the House of Representatives has passed an amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, introducing strict penalties against dual membership of political parties. The new provision makes it a criminal offence for any individual to belong to more than one political party at the same time.

    Lawmakers say the measure is aimed at strengthening Nigeria’s democratic process and ensuring clarity in party affiliation. 

    Under the amendment, offenders will face a fine of ₦10 million or a maximum prison sentence of two years.

    The decision follows growing concerns about political instability and the manipulation of party structures. Supporters of the amendment argue that it will promote discipline, transparency, and loyalty within political parties.

    The development marks a significant shift in Nigeria’s electoral framework, with the House insisting that the reform is necessary to safeguard democracy and prevent abuse of the political system.

  • MICHAEL SPENCE: Adam Smith’s philosophy still sheds light on how economies grow, trade, and respond to change

    MICHAEL SPENCE: Adam Smith’s philosophy still sheds light on how economies grow, trade, and respond to change

    OPINION (NPA)— March 9, 2026 — When The Wealth of Nations was published on March 9, 1776, there was no such thing as an economics profession. Two hundred fifty years on, there is no shortage of economists, and Adam Smith is widely regarded as the godfather of their profession.

    If asked, Smith would have probably described himself as a Scot who made a living as a moral philosopher. And as for his famous book, it came to be seen as a true expression of the Enlightenment. This period of cultural and intellectual flourishing helped create an alternative vision for humanity based on reason, science, individual liberty, and human dignity.

    Despite detours and missteps, it is a moral frame of reference that resonates to this day. It is why we continue to listen to what Smith had to say.

    He illuminated the structural foundations of modern economies. Although he is best known for his idea of the “invisible hand,” Smith gave us an insight that is even more important: Moving from a static, subsistence economy to increasing income and prosperity requires what he called the “division of labor.” 

    Without this specialization, one cannot achieve dramatic increases in productivity coming from scale economies, learning curves, and improved conditions for innovation. Like all scientific discoveries, it seems obvious after the fact. 

    Division of labor

    For specialization to work, we need two structural elements, which are mutually reinforcing.

    One is trade, which is implied by specialized production. Indeed, while the supply side of the economy is specialized, the demand side is not. Hence the need for an “invisible hand” in the form of trade, a market system using prices and currencies. Trade is efficient, unless there are glaring externalities and informational gaps and asymmetries. It is economical by not requiring the collection of vast amounts of centralized information. And as a decentralized resource-allocation system, it allows for diverse preferences and creates incentives for innovation.

    Of course, Smith was no stranger to trade. His father served as the customs agent in his hometown and birthplace, Kirkcaldy, and Smith himself served as the commissioner of customs for Scotland from 1778 to 1790. While he is sometimes unfairly accused of codifying a system that glorifies selfishness, he envisioned the opposite: an economy with moral underpinnings and supporting structures, such as regulations, government revenues, and a stable currency.

    The second structural element needed for specialization is a sufficiently large market. In other words, an economy needs to generate enough demand to support the specialized producer.  Otherwise, the producing entity will have to reduce its level of specialization. Think of the general store in the American West giving way to specialized shops as the population grew and became richer and urban centers expanded.

    This is especially relevant for high-tech industries, where the total addressable market is central to assessing investment returns. The economics are clear: Developing new technology involves up-front investment. And the return on that investment is proportional to the size and scope of the market for the innovation. As an aside, the return on investment is also proportional to the duration of the market opportunity—until it is superseded by the next innovation. This is where the Schumpeterian dynamics enter the model.

    All these factors—from specialization and trade to finding ways to access large potential markets—lie at the heart of any successful development model. They are complementary and structural. It is their coevolution that produces the desired result: rising productivity and incomes, economic growth, increasing purchasing power, and the resulting expansion of domestic markets for products and services that, by virtue of growth, become more affordable and desired.

    Technology and development

    Let’s remember that Smith lived at the very beginning of the British Industrial Revolution. To my mind, it is simply stunning that he understood, and to some extent foresaw, the structural features and dynamics that have driven much of the evolution of the global economy in which we now live.

    Time and again, technology has played an essential role in directly driving productivity growth, but also in specialization via a connectivity channel, hence expanding the size of the addressable market. Smith may have seen James Watt’s steam engine (1769), which was more efficient than earlier models; if so, he would have certainly understood its potential in factories and transportation. He did not live to see the first steam locomotive, developed by Richard Trevithick in 1804. Nor did he get to see our modern digital economy, including the latest AI tools.

    But again, he would have understood the implications of these revolutionary developments: the immense benefits of expanding market size at reasonable cost, the opportunity to foster inclusive growth patterns, and the prospect of another jump discontinuity in specialization and productivity.

    The relevance to economic development is hard to overstate. Think of how specialization and trade accelerated in scale and scope after World War II. Over time, specialization moved from being a defining feature of developed economies to being one of the key engines of the entire global economy. It helped generate unprecedented growth rates, productivity expansions, and—over the past three decades—the biggest reduction in extreme poverty in human history.

    In countries in the early stages of development, income levels are low and domestic demand is limited, which in turn limits specialization. But if the global economy is accessible, the domestic demand constraint is removed, at least for tradable goods and services. Leveraging this opportunity requires technology, connectivity, and infrastructure. It also requires the removal of barriers to trade that are created by policies. Hence the importance of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and its successor, the World Trade Organization, and the general acceptance that trade can be broadly beneficial to all.

    While technology, connectivity, and infrastructure cannot be acquired overnight, they can be built, and then the tradable part of the economy specializes and starts to grow. Employment shifts toward the tradable side, and average incomes grow. This income growth initially produces demand that spills over to nontradable goods and services markets. Relaxing the demand constraint on specialization beyond its tradable part benefits the economy as a whole.

    Risk and complexity

    The process of development gathers momentum because its underlying dynamics are mutually reinforcing. And yet myriad things can go wrong. These risks are well documented in the literature: macroeconomic mismanagement, instability and crises, insufficient investment in infrastructure and hence poor connectivity, and failure to leverage the opportunity created by global demand, to name just a few risks.

    Let me briefly expand on one of them. A specialized economy entails risk for the simple reason that anything that causes a disruption or failure of the trading system is dangerous, the more so the longer it lasts. Perceived risks to market openness, functioning, and access could severely constrain specialization. We could even restate Smith’s fundamental insight as follows: Specialization is limited by the extent of the market and the probability that it will remain accessible.

    One way to understand recent developments in the global economy is that, as the risks from multiple sources rise, there is a predictable partial pullback in specialization.

    Moreover, a highly specialized economy is by definition complex. The degree of specialization and complexity can be seen as different sides of the same coin. The market and network connections that underpin a modern economy exceed the capacity of its participants to fully comprehend them. Perhaps advances in AI will give us tools to enhance this comprehension and our ability to adapt. A promising and growing application of AI is precisely in assisting in the management of complex systems, such as global supply chains and smart grids. 

    Complexity also entails hidden risks, which are often systemic. They are embedded in the complex network of interconnections that are hard to see comprehensively. Unless we get better at managing them, complexity will become an additional major constraint on specialization. More broadly, complexity at this level makes it hard for people to understand the economic system. That creates a vacuum, with all kinds of unsubstantiated theories about how, and in whose interests, it works. Some of these theories risk undermining political and social cohesion. 

    All this would make for a fascinating conversation with Smith, who saw plenty of economic disruption and dislocation. He lived at a time when the economy went from extremely local—where people probably knew most of those with whom they interacted and transacted—to the beginning of a rapid increase in specialization and the scope of markets.

    This journey continues in our lifetimes. We increasingly depend on people and places we have never seen and that are largely unknown to us. We depend on science, technology, media, and expertise that go beyond our capacity to verify directly. How we address these challenges will shape our individual well-being and the wealth of nations in the years ahead.

    MICHAEL SPENCE

    MICHAEL SPENCE is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and Philip H. Knight Professor and dean, emeritus, at Stanford Graduate School of Business. In 2001, he was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences.

    The opinions expressed in articles and other materials are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views or editorial position of Newpost Africa.

  • Alex Otti’s big move: Abia’s social contract with senior citizens

    Alex Otti’s big move: Abia’s social contract with senior citizens

    OPINION (NPA) — March 7, 2026 —In most countries, senior citizens — those aged 60 and above — are esteemed and accorded special recognition and care by the state. The United Nations, in acknowledgement of their importance, designated October 1 as the International Day of Older Persons.

    In Nigeria, the National Senior Citizens Act, 2017 established the National Senior Citizens Centre (NSCC) to cater to the needs of the elderly and promote social inclusion. The NSCC has since urged state governments to domesticate the Act to safeguard the welfare of senior citizens.

    In Abia State, Governor Alex Otti is blazing the trail. Recently, he signed the Senior Citizens Welfare Bill into law, providing free medical care and a monthly stipend for residents aged 60 and above. Law No. 4 of 2025 formally established the Abia State Senior Citizens Centre, a landmark initiative aimed at improving the quality of life for the elderly, ensuring dignity, security, and social protection.

    The law sets out a framework for registration, identification, and administration of benefits. Key provisions include free medical care, access to public healthcare facilities, social support, and assistance for vulnerable seniors. Eligibility requires being 60 years or older and an indigene of Abia.

    To dispel misconceptions, Commissioner for Information Okey Kanu clarified that the Centre is not a “free money distribution scheme” but a structured welfare system. “This legislation is a deliberate and compassionate response by Otti’s administration to the growing population of elderly persons in Abia and the long-standing absence of a structured, government-backed system dedicated to their care, welfare, and social inclusion,” he said.

    Kanu emphasized that the Centre is not a retirement home but a hub for support services, social engagement, recreational activities, and advocacy. It will operate under the Ministry of Poverty Alleviation and Social Protection, funded through budgetary allocations, grants, and approved donations. “Law No. 4 of 2025 is a bold and humane policy choice that places Abia among progressive states that recognise ageing as a governance issue and institutionalise care for senior citizens,” he added.

    Senior citizens in Abia have welcomed the initiative. Felix Nwadioha commended the governor, saying: “It is not only when you are in service that you are relevant; you are also relevant when you are out of government.” Obike Ukoh praised the programme, noting that it would alleviate challenges faced by the aged: “It is a human approach to help people live longer; not to live a little longer in suffering but to live long in a very healthy living and in comfort.”

    Mrs. Eunice Offor described the law as a game-changer: “The monthly stipend, free medical care, and other benefits will go a long way in improving our quality of life. The fact that this law is now a statutory entitlement gives us a sense of security and dignity.”

    Former Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo also applauded Otti, calling the law a landmark initiative that embodies compassion and social responsibility. “I was quite particularly touched by the new law for Senior Citizens in Abia, and I think it is one of those very important issues that we have to address,” he said.

    While the governor and the Abia House of Assembly deserve praise, policy analysts stress that the true test lies in the full implementation of this watershed law.

  • Peter Obi Attack: Dr. SKC Ogbonnia Writes to Donald Trump on Nigeria’s Democratic Crisis

    Peter Obi Attack: Dr. SKC Ogbonnia Writes to Donald Trump on Nigeria’s Democratic Crisis

    LAGOS, NIGERIA (NPA): Following the reported attack on Mr. Peter Obi by suspected political hoodlums in Benin City, the Edo State capital, on Monday, former APC presidential aspirant Dr. SKC Ogbonnia has written to U.S. President Donald Trump, urging him to intervene.

    In his letter, Ogbonnia described Trump as “the leader of the free world” and appealed for action to hold accountable those he alleges are responsible for what he termed a “total collapse of democracy in Nigeria.”

    Dr. Ogbonnia, a businessman, academic, and politician, hails from Ugbo in Awgu Local Government Area of Enugu State. He is the Chairman of First Texas Energy Corporation, an Adjunct Professor of Leadership, and a regular commentator on Nigerian politics and governance.

    The letter, republished below, outlines his concerns regarding Nigeria’s democratic trajectory and calls for international attention to safeguard democratic values in the country.

    ———————————————————————-

    A Letter To Donald Trump On The Assassination Attempt On Peter Obi, By SKC Ogbonnia

    February 27, 2026

    President Donald J. Trump

    The White House

    1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW

    Washington, D.C. 20500

    Subject: Why The World Should Hold Tinubu Responsible For The Assassination Attempt On Peter Obi

    Dear Mr. President,

    I am writing as a voice for the millions of Nigerians and Nigerian Americans who look up to your leadership as the standard-bearer for the free world and a passionate defender of democratic integrity. Nigeria is witnessing a grave assault on the democratic process that requires your immediate attention. Besides widespread insecurity which your timely intervention has helped bring to limelight, the African country is also witnessing a deeper and deteriorating state of democratic safety. Specifically, the country is now the most dangerous place for democratic opposition. The most recent and blatant example is the assassination attempt on Peter Obi on February 24, 2026 in Benin City, Edo State. Mr. Obi is a frontline opposition leader and the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in 2023 elections in Nigeria. Gunmen trailed his convoy from a political event and eventually opened fire. They missed him but damaged vehicles and other properties at the residence of his host, a former Edo State Governor, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun.

    The primary function of a state is to protect its citizens. Yet, this incident—where armed thugs shot at a convoy and damaged properties at a private residence—demonstrates a deliberate failure to secure opposition leaders. Despite the presence of police, the assailants were able to act and flee, suggesting a lack of proactive security measures or abject complicity. The mere fact that President TInubu has failed to condemn such attack on high-profile opposition leaders full three days after the incident speaks volumes. The silence of the federal government in the face of these attacks is a testament to its enabling role. As the chief security officer of the nation, President Tinubu’s failure to act decisively against acts of violence makes him the ultimate beneficiary of this dastardly act. 

    But this development did not come as a surprise. In a widely circulated essay published in 2022, “Tinubu’s Candidacy Provoking A Civil War”, I had enumerated why the politics of Bola Ahmed Tinubu is synonymous with political violence. Therefore, the incident of the assassination attempt on Peter Obi is not an isolated occurrence but rather the apex of a sustained pattern of political intimidation that has defined Tinubu’s career, dating back to his time as Governor of Lagos State (1999–2007).

    A Deep Pattern of Political Intimidation and Violence

    Tinubu’s tenure in Lagos was widely notorious for deploying various state apparatuses to suppress the local opposition. The unsolved assassination of PDP governorship aspirant Funsho Williams in 2006 remains the darkest chapter of that era. Though the case was never legally concluded, Tinubu was generally viewed as a prime suspect, with claims that the crime was orchestrated to remove a significant political rival in Lagos. Such pattern creates a dangerous precedent where political opposition is met with lethal force rather than democratic debate.

    Sadly, Tinubu’s history of political intimidation has now found its way to the national stage. Keenly aware that his policies are unpopular with Nigerians, and he has no chance to win a free and fair re-election in 2027, President TInubu has resorted to his familiar melange of political intimidation and violence. It is significant to note here that the attack on Obi occurred shortly after a prominent member of Tinubu’s party, the Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, issued a public threat against Mr. Obi. This threat created a hostile environment that preceded the violence.

    Besides the case of Peter Obi, which degenerated to open attempt on his life, many opposition leaders are continuing to face untold political persecution than ever before. Draconian intimidation has replaced democratic norms. As a renowned human rights activist and presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore put it, he has suffered more police brutality and illegal detentions under Tinubu than during the military era. This do-or-die mentality, where political opponents are constantly being intimidated has not only fostered a culture of impunity and atmosphere of violence, but it is also an existential threat to Nigeria’s fragile democracy.

    Targeting of the Igbo People

    It is a common knowledge that Tinubu has a chronic history of intimidation directed at the Igbo people—Peter Obi’s ethnic group. For instance, during the 2023 elections in Lagos, areas dominated by opponents, particularly the Igbo, were systematically targeted, with voters intimidated and prevented from exercising their rights. Infamous threats by traditional rulers close to the ruling APC, urging that non-compliant voters be forced into the Lagos lagoon, were met with tacit approval from Tinubu and the party he led. Clearly, the 2026 attack in Edo follows this unfortunate trend of using violence to disenfranchise the political base of opponents, specifically targeting the Igbo population and their supporters.

    A Plea

    Dear President Trump, the systematic targeting of political opposition under President Tinubu has led to a de facto one-party state. The result has been total erosion of rule of law and total impunity. As the leader of the free world, I urge you to use your good offices to hold Mr. TInubu accountable. A total collapse of Nigerian democracy has severe consequences.

    Sincerely,

    SKC Ogbonnia, Ph.D.

    A former APC Presidential Aspirant

    Houston, Texas.